The European Neighbourhood Policy Politics Essay

The European Neighbourhood Policy Politics Essay Because of the big-bang enlargement to the East, in May 2004 the European Union acquired ten new member states and simultaneously several new neighbours. At about the same time, it began to flesh out a European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) to make sure that the newly enlarged Union would be surrounded by a ring of friends.  [1]  Specifically, in March 2003 the Commission presented its Communication Wider Europe Neighbourhood: A new Framework for relations with our Eastern and Southern Neighbours,  [2]  followed by a Strategy Paper on the ENP in May 2004.  [3]   In general, the ENP is the EUs mechanism for ensuring the maintenance of shared values beyond its borders. In other words, it provides the EU with additional tools for fostering new neighbours. Its objectives like stability, prosperity and co-operation help the EU to develop a privileged relationship with its neighbours while it also offers many other advantages to them, building upon a mutual commitment with them. On the other hand, it must be underlined that the EU faces some daunting challenges in its relations with its neighbours. Because of this, not only the ENPs aim to bring some order to the EUs relations with its neighbours but also the effort to develop a privileged and mutual relationship between them, are prevented in a great extent. So, does the ENP really provide the suitable structure for dealing with the main challenges? This essay will first present and analyse the substance of the ENP. It will then scrutinize its results and, finally it will criticize and evaluate the ENP taking into consideration the invectives that it offers and the challenges that the EU faces in its relations with its neighbours. The substance of the ENP The ENP framework is proposed to the 16 of EUs closest neighbours Algeria, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Egypt, Georgia, Israel, Jordan, Lebanon, Libya, Moldova, Morocco, Occupied Palestinian Territory, Syria, Tunisia and Ukraine. Russia has its own special relationship with the EU and it is not part of the ENP. More precisely, the ENP was developed in 2004, with the objective of avoiding new dividing lines between the enlarged EU and its neighbours and instead strengthening the prosperity, stability and security of all.  [4]   The 2004 enlargement brought the EU closer to the east and as a result created an instant need to ensure that the wider neighbourhood was stable to avoid the risk of instability overflowing into the larger EU.  [5]  As the European Commission has noted: Existing differences in living standards across the Unions borders with its neighbours may be accentuated as a result of faster growth in the new Member States than in their external neighbours; common challenges in fields such as the environment, public health, and the prevention of and fight against organised crime will have to be addressed; efficient and secure border management will be essential both to protect our shared borders and to facilitate legitimate trade and passage.  [6]  Moreover, the enlargement fatigue was established and the EU wanted to fend off yet another round of enlargement. Hence, the ENP was launched to deal with all of these challenges.  [7]   The ENP also includes the countries of the southern Mediterranean, though the dividing line between the EU and these countries was not shifted with the 2004 enlargement, and the problems posed by those borders have long been a concern. The southern Mediterranean countries were included in the ENP to balance the EUs southern and eastern dimensions, responding to concerns of southern member and non-member states.  [8]   The ENP, which is primarily a bilateral policy between the EU and each partner country, is further enriched with regional and multilateral co-operation initiatives: the Eastern Partnership (launched in Prague in May 2009), the Union for the Mediterranean (the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership, formerly known as the Barcelona Process, re-launched in Paris in July 2008), and the Black Sea Synergy (launched in Kiev in February 2008).  [9]   The ENP is first and foremost an attempt to create good neighbours, who conform not only to EU values (democracy and human rights, rule of law, good governance, market economy principles and sustainable development) but also the EU standards and laws in specific economic and social areas. A secondary aspect of the ENP is to prevent the emergence of new dividing lines as mentioned earlier, through a variety of means including more cross-border cooperation.  [10]   Specifically, in attempting to stop the emergence of new dividing lines in Europe, the Commission has two broad approaches: firstly, to encourage and support financially the inclusion of the neighbours in European networks of all kinds such as transport, research and education, energy, environment, culture and so on and, secondly, to foster cross-border cooperation and specially concrete projects to link neighbouring regions across the EUs new border. The Commission is simplifying as well the funding of such programmes, which has been complicated.  [11]   In this point, it must be mentioned that, the ENP remains distinct from the process of enlargement. However, it does not prejudge for European neighbours how their relationship with the EU may develop in future in accordance with Treaty provisions. According to the ENP framework, the EU offers all but institutions to the neighbours: as much it can do without actually enlarging.  [12]   Plus, in early 2004 the Commission began preparing Actions Plans for the most advanced neighbours. The Action Plans are central to the ENP (12 of them were agreed) and they set out an agenda of political and economic reforms with short and medium-term priorities of 3 to 5 years. The ENP is not yet fully activated for Algeria, Belarus, Libya and Syria since those have not agreed Action Plans.  [13]   The Action Plans are supposed to be differentiated according to the various neighbours specific circumstances, and drawn up after held with each neighbour. Promoting joint ownership of the plans should better ensure that the neighbours will meet the objectives set out in them. Each country individually determines the nature and strength of its relationship with the EU.  [14]  In addition, other political objectives prominent in the Action Plans are cooperation in the fight against terrorism and on non-proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, and ensuring international justice through support for the International Criminal Court.  [15]   Furthermore, from January 2007 the European Neighbourhood Policy and Strategic Partnership with Russian Federation are financed through a single instrument the European Neighbourhood and Partnership Instrument (ENPI). It is designed to target sustainable development and approximation to EU policies and standards supporting the agreed priorities in the ENP Action Plans, as well as Strategic Partnership with Russia. In detail, it encourages economic integration and political cooperation between the EU and the neighbours, promotes sustainable development and poverty reduction, and addresses security and stability challenges posed by geographical proximity to the EU.  [16]   The results of the ENP The ENP has shown that it offers a solid basis for strengthening ties between the EU and its neighbours. It has opened the policy to all eastern and southern neighbours who share EUs commitments to democracy, open society and economic prosperity. And, as countries go further down the reform path more possibilities (more financial support, integration with the EUs internal market, participation in the EUs policies and programmes) for closer cooperation with the EU open up to them.  [17]   Since the ENP policy was proposed, good progress has been made on developing and implementing the main instruments of the ENP the presentation of 12 Country Reports, the adoption of 12 ENP Action Plans, implementation and monitoring through relevant subcommittees, adoption of a new instrument (Neighbourhood Investment Facility -NIF) to better provide assistance to these countries in support of the objectives agreed in the Action Plans.  [18]   The NIF was established at the end of 2007 and it is a significant source of funding for the neighbourhood. The Facility funds projects of common interest focussing mainly on energy, environment and transport. A Governance Facility has been set up too. It provides additional support to countries that have made most progress in implementing governance reforms.  [19]   Moreover, for the Financial Framework 2007-2013, about à ¢Ã¢â‚¬Å¡Ã‚ ¬12 billion in EU funding are available to support partners reforms, an increase of 32% in real terms as compared to 2000-2006 Financial Framework. Until 31 December 2006, EU assistance to the countries of the ENP and to Russia was provided under various geographical programmes including TACIS (for eastern neighbours and Russia) and MEDA (for southern Mediterranean neighbours), as well as thematic programmes such as European Initiative for Democracy and Human Rights (EIDHR).  [20]   Additionally, new forms of technical assistance have been extended to ENP partners. A large number of twinning and Technical Assistance and Information Exchange (TAIEX) arrangements, is in place with countries across the neighbourhood.  [21]  Neighbourhood countries joined also the EUs programmes and agencies like the Competitiveness and Innovation Programme.  [22]   Furthermore, it must be stated that, to the east the reforming government of Moldova is being rewarded with generous aid. In the meantime, the EU has frozen assets and restricted visas for Belaruss leaders after they rigged elections and suppressed protests.  [23]  A border monitoring mission was also in place along the Moldovan-Ukraine border to help address the frozen conflict in Transnistria while an agreement on easier visa procedures for Ukrainian citizens and others was in the works.  [24]   In May 2011 the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy and the European Commission suggested a new policy response to a changing EU neighbourhood based on more for more, less for less, a mutual accountability and a shared commitment to the universal values of human rights, democracy and the rule of law and involving a much higher level of differentiation.  [25]  New policys items are money, market access, and mobility. This approach has been authorized as well by the European Parliament and the European Council.  [26]   The Economist justified the new policy as follows: Policies should be better tailored for each neighbour. Europe cannot change geography, so it will have to deal with countries on its rim, democratic or autocratic. But in its circle of neighbours, it must always demonstrate that its best friends are the democrats.  [27]  Along this line, the EU responded to the Arab Spring and sent an obvious message of unity and support to the people of the southern Mediterranean. Moreover, it responded to EU eastern neighbours efforts towards closer political association and deeper economic integration.  [28]   The evaluation of the ENP Undoubtedly, the ENP should be seen as one of innovative efforts undertaken so far in the history of the European Communities external relations. This exposes it to a great deal of controversy in a vast diversity of opinions thereupon. Indeed, the ENP has been evaluated in most different ways, from very critical in which it is seen as an ineffective project, to statements saying that this is one of the EUs foreign policy that really works correctly. If we take into account the aforementioned results of the ENP, we realize that it does promote good relations between the enlarged EU and its neighbours. It definitely has an interest in promoting prosperity, stability and security among its neighbours by working with them to support their transition. But what about the group of people who support that the ENP is an ineffective project? Why do they strongly believe it? Those who believe that the ENP is an inadequate policy claim that the EU has to deal with three serious challenges: that of confronting the ghost of enlargement, which haunts EU relations with its neighbours, the challenge of influencing positively the serious problems distressing several of those neighbours and, that of building a neighbourhood with some degree of cohesiveness.  [29]   The unavoidable consequences of admitting some countries to full membership of the EU and excluding others produce insiders and outsiders. This dimension inside the ENP, make awkward bedfellows, especially given that east European countries are reluctantly seen as potential member states while the Mediterranean countries have not been considered appropriate for EU membership.  [30]  The hope of EU membership is a major incentive for reform amongst members. As it has already been mentioned Europes neighbourhood policy remains distinct from the process of enlargement as it offers countries everything but institutions. And this does not mean as stated earlier that neighbourhood countries have no chance of being official members of the EU. For instance, Georgia, Moldova, and Ukraine could be considered as candidates for EU membership at some point in the future. All have experienced a democratization process and have moved away from the direct political influence of the Russian Federation.  [31]   Nevertheless, these states represent a low priority on the enlargement agenda because of the likely impact on the EUs budget, the poor state of their economies, and the need to strengthen political reforms at home before considering accession. So, there is a large development gap between the EU and some potential members, which makes meeting membership conditions increasingly difficult. Thus, the EU is becoming more diverse.  [32]   The second challenge facing the EU is how to deal with countries of concern. Generally speaking, the challenges facing EUs neighbours often go beyond their borders. It is a fact that, the partner countries are faced with poverty, unemployment, mixed economic performance, corruption, weak governance and frozen conflicts in certain regions.  [33]   Countries of concern include Belarus and Libya, but several other neighbours like Syria are also problematic mainly because of their lack of respect for human rights and democratic principles and, because of security concerns. Even more, the list of sites of conflict in the Middle East is tragically long. In this point, someone could wonder if the ENP gives the EU more leverage or more possibilities to exercise influence in these cases than it had before.  [34]   For fostering fundamental reform in the neighbours, Action Plans should provide a real incentive for reform. The truth is that, clear benchmarks linked to clear benefits are being absent in Action Plans. There has to be a real effort so that Action Plans lend a serious concentration to the ENP and enable the focus to be on specific, measurable and time-bound objectives.  [35]   The third challenge for the EU is how to connect the dissimilar countries and regions included in the ENP. The ENP is a policy based on strengthening the bilateral links between the EU and each neighbour a policy for neighbours rather than a neighbourhood policy. And while there is an undeniable need for reform in the neighbours, there is also an undeniable need for all the neighbours to cooperate with one another. In relation to this statement, we realize that strengthening the multilateral and/or regional elements in the ENP would help to tackle not just the cross-border problems that affect the EU but also those that affect all of the neighbours.  [36]   Additionally, some analysts consider that the new policy to a changing EU neighbourhood after the emergence of the Arab Spring, based on more economic benefits for more democracy with the new policys items (money, market access, and mobility) is not bold enough to make an important difference.  [37]  Regarding money, at times of austerity there is no more for foreign-policy aims while concerning markets, many north African countries already enjoy free trade in industrial goods, and the southern Europeans want to restrict some agricultural products. As for mobility, with anti-immigrant parties gaining ground, few governments are ready to open up to north Africans.  [38]   There is little doubt that the Arab awakening was a priority for European foreign policy in 2011. Europe used a collection of instruments, including active diplomacy, special envoys, sanctions and military action. However, its technocratic response fell dramatically short of Marshall Plan for which some initially called.  [39]  Plus, the Arab Spring has shed light on the close personal and business ties between governing elites in EU member states and their Mediterranean counterparts. For example, Frances Foreign Minister Michà ¨le Alliot-Marie was forced to resign due to public outrage over her links to the ousted Ben Ali regime in Tunisia.  [40]  In 2008, the EU tried to negotiate an association agreement with Libya and earmarked à ¢Ã¢â‚¬Å¡Ã‚ ¬60mln in ENPI funds to the country over the 2011-2013 period.  [41]   To sum up, in the south the promotion of democracy and the rule of law has been an illusion. Arab neighbours have no the ambition of returning back to Europe while eastern neighbours, know that the EU is not ready to expand beyond the Balkans. Without the lure of membership, the EU struggles to find effective foreign-policy. Conclusions The ENP is a useful policy promoting stability, prosperity, welfare and security in the post 2004 era between the EU and its neighbours. But is the ENP sufficient to deal with the aforesaid challenges? This challenge is undoubtedly enormous and requires more ambitious policy response. Not only should the ghost of enlargement be vanished but also the serious problems distressing several of the neighbours. Furthermore, the EU should try hard through the ENP to build a neighbourhood with some degree of cohesiveness. As we all know, on 12 October 2012 the Nobel Prize Committee decided to award the 2012 Nobel Peace Prize to the European Union for over six decades contribution to the advancement of peace and reconciliation, democracy and human rights in Europe. Although the EU is at present undergoing serious economic difficulties and considerable social unrest the award served as a reminder that the EU had largely brought peace to a continent which tore itself apart in two world wars in which tens of millions died. According to this, the EU should focus on what it sees as the EUs most important result: the successful struggle for peace and reconciliation and for democracy and human rights. No one would disagree that one way for the EU to enforce its struggles for achieving the aforementioned goals, is through the ENP. It is an ambitious policy, which has the potential to make an enormous difference to the prosperity and stability of both the EU and its neighbours. So, the EU has to strengthen the ENP in order to provide concrete and credible incentives for reform. Hence, a strong ENP has to be set out. The vision contained in the ENP the real and mutual relation of EU to its nearest friends and vice versa should be a reality for the stability and wealth of both.

Assessment of the Necessity of the Nuclear Proliferation Treaty

Perceptions regarding nuclear weapons presents a contradiction in terms of the existence of a â€Å"peaceful nuclear past and a fearful nuclear future† (Sagan 66). Such a contradiction exists in terms of our current understanding regarding nuclear weapons and deterrence. Consider for example that during the Cold War period, nuclear weapons were widely believed to be one of the most important factors in maintaining the peace between the United States and the Soviet Union (Cimbali 224). Currently, on the other hand, it is widely believed that enabling the continuing spread and development of nuclear weapons will only increase the risk of the development of a nuclear war. This is based upon the assumption that rival countries that are considered nuclear powers are unlikely to maintain stable deterrence. Due to this concern regarding the prevention of such an event, the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty was formulated during 1968. The treaty imposed an international limitation to the spread of nuclear weapons. It is based upon three main tenets: non-proliferation of nuclear weapons, disarmament of nuclear weapons, and the peaceful use of nuclear energy. What follows is an analysis of the nuclear proliferation argument. As was stated above, the main rationale for the Nuclear Proliferation Treaty (NPT) was the prevention of nuclear wars caused by the unstable deterrence between nuclear weapons states. According to the Canadian Foreign Minister Lloyd Axworthy, the agreement is based upon international mechanisms that operate within the foundations of international laws and norms. Anxworthy further states that the NPT opts â€Å"to promote and achieve a world without nuclear weapons† hence a world without a nuclear war impending in its historical future (1). As opposed to this, it has been argued by political scientists that if the main rationale for the treaty was the prevention of nuclear wars, then the treaty by prohibiting the proliferation of nuclear weapons defied itself in so far as enabling the proliferation of nuclear weapons ensures the prevention of nuclear wars. According to Kenneth Waltz, â€Å"nuclear weapons have been given a bad name† (731). Waltz argues that it is fallacious to assume that since nuclear weapons may cause catastrophic nuclear exchanges, nuclear wars will thereby cause global destruction. Waltz argues that nuclear weapons will enable the development of stability and peace since â€Å"a nation will be deterred from attacking if it believes that there is a possibility that its adversary will retaliate† (734). It is important to consider that Waltz’s claim is based upon the assumption that major wars amongst states occur as a result of the estimation of zero or low retaliation costs of a state from another state. In lieu of this, it is thereby possible to conclude that allowing the proliferation of nuclear weapons lessens the possibility of the development of nuclear wars since it ensures that countries will consider the high amount of risk involved in launching a nuclear attack towards a state with similar military capacities. In lieu of this, I would like to conclude that it is indeed true that the choice between a more peaceful and co-operative versus a war-ridden and hostile world is highly dependent or critically dependent on the future of nuclear weapons however, it does not necessarily necessitate the prevention of their further spread. Works Cited Cimbali, Stephen.   The Dead Volcano: The Background and Effects of Nuclear War Complacency.   Portsmouth, NH: Praeger/Greenwood, 2002 Halard, Muller, David Fischer, and Wolfgang Kotter.   Nuclear Non-Proliferation and Global Order.   Oxford: Oxford Univ. P., 1994. Waltz, Kenneth.   â€Å"Nuclear Myths and Political Realities.†Ã‚   American Political Science Reviews 84. 3 (September 1990).      

Question Of Physical Education At Schools - Free Essay Example

Sample details Pages: 6 Words: 1944 Downloads: 6 Date added: 2019/06/10 Category Education Essay Level High school Topics: Physical Education Essay Did you like this example? Though its invention was well into the 1820s, physical education is a powerful pedagogy that still is in effect for schools all around the world. In fact, it is mandated by the state of New Jersey, and similarly for others, that a student should take part in a physical education course for at least two hours each week as a part of the students graduation requirement (New Jersey Department of Education, 2018). Across the world, as well, similar standards can be measured; in Germany, schools are mandated to have at least three five hours of physical education classes per school week (World Health Organization, 2016). Don’t waste time! Our writers will create an original "Question Of Physical Education At Schools" essay for you Create order According to Shape America, a society of health and physical educators, one of the national standards for students taking part in any form of physical education program is to â€Å"develop physically literate individuals who have the knowledge, skills, and confidence to enjoy a lifetime of healthful physical activity† (SHAPE America, 2014). Some educators argue that cuts in the time allotted for physical education programs in the the school day may allow students to have more time for academic classes and aid schools in the funding they receive from federal and state grants. On the other hand, the physical, mental, and social aspects that come along with being active throughout the school day may outweigh these academic viewpoints. In many schools, the thirty to forty minute window in which students have physical education classes is the only means of exercise the child has for the particular day. In a website created by a school psychologist that has researched the effects physical education has on a student in school, Rachel Wise outlines that not only do these physical education classes offer obesity prevention, they promote healthy growth and development (Wise, 2017). These aspects are essential to students of all ages, as the adolescent body does not stop developing until the age of twenty-one. Adding onto this, according to a study published in 2017 by the Center for Disease Control and Prevention, among children aged two to nineteen, the obesity rate was at 18.5% this number is significantly higher than what is was in 2001, only 5% (Center for Disease Control and Prevention, 2017). With this current information, scientists predict that the number of obesity in schoolchildren will only continue to increase. Exercise is familiarly a major component that is proven to greatly reduce the risk of childhood obesity, and if implemented early on in life, various cardiovascular diseases such as congestive heart failure, high blood pressure, or arrhythmia (Harvard T.H. School of Public Health, 2017). The goal for many of the physical education programs in America, and frankly throughout the world, is to keep students healthy while teaching valuable lessons. Physical education programs in schools are beneficial to students’ overall health; many physical benefits are present, as well as mental health advantages, well-being, and all-around happiness. Daniel Gilbert, professor of psychology at Harvard University and veteran author on books pertaining to a healthy well being and happiness within an individual, explains in his article titled Paradise Glossed, that happiness can be achieved by learning from past struggles and developing skills from those hurdles to aid them in future events or experiences (Gilbert, 2010). Physical education programs in school encourage the development of various skills such as hand-eye coordination, cognitive functions, and motor skillsthese will aid students inside and outside the classroom and on some occasions, on the day-to day track (Bailey, 2006). Scientifically speaking however, when exercising both adolescents and adults release a chemical in the brain known as the endorphins; these neurochemicals are mainly produced in the hypothalamus, the same part of the brain when the body is under stress and similar to pain killers in the sense that they are involved with natural reward circuits (Kelly, 2016). This is the main reason why after exercise, better moods may persist for upwards of twelve hours. Long-term studies done by Harvard researchers show that participants who consistently exercised had the highest level of psychological well-being (Bergland, 2016). Skills that students may have learned while being active in class may add to the student’s better mood, aiding them in future endeavors, even class assignments, projects, and tests. These better moods and well-beings contribute to overall performance in student’s academics. Keeping in mind that various states legally require schools to have at least half an hour of physical activity each day, student self-esteem and overall well-being is significantly increased. Additionally, student social interactions are dramatically increased in a setting where one is expected to work with his/her peers (Wise, 2017). With cuts (decreases) in the time allotted for physical education classes being made, many of these benefits may come into compromise as students don’t have the time to physically develop these skills. On the other hand, in an idea presented by Richard Easterlin, a professor of economics with a vested interest in happiness, hedonic adaptation may be very relevant to this issue. Hedonic adaptation is commonly referred to as the tendency to return to a stable form of happiness even though minor or major changes occur. Cultural goods such as â€Å"music, literature, and art, are less subject to hedonic adaptation than â€Å"comfort† goods† (Easterlin, 2003). All in all, no matter what change happens in life, the amount of happiness will return to what it was previous to the change. With that being said, lawmakers may argue that although physical education classes do present a vast amount of benefits, these benefits may be going to waste later reverting back to the whatever the previous state of being wasunsatisfied. However, one other notable mention by Easterlin is the fact that happiness does not always come from acquired material objects; instead, life lessons, momen ts, and experiences is truly what can deem a human happy (Easterlin, 2003). Skills such as catching a ball, or playing a sport with other schoolmates are simple skills that can be later on be complexed in real-life situations. Contrary to popular belief, though, physical education programs present significant advantages that aren’t usually considered or discussed about. Exercise, and especially that in a physical education program at school, encourages increased oxygen flow to the brain which leads to the increased production in neurotransmitters later on. From these neurotransmitters, neurotrophins are derived and make sure that neurons are thriving in the parts of the brain that are responsible for higher thinking, cognitive skills, and learning (SPARK, 2012). Additionally, in a study conducted by the US National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health, â€Å"adolescents who were active in school were more likely to have high grades.† Francois Trudeau and his colleague, Roy Shephard, both professors in kinesiology at University of Quebec at Three Rivers and University of Toronto, respectively, conducted a multitude of smaller-scale studies and analyzed their data. In fact, in a sample size of 287 9-11 year old primary students, after adding 47 minutes a week of various physical activities for sixteen months, scores on the Canadian Achievement Test (CAT-3) showed a slight increase (Trudeau, Shephard, 2008). Additionally, 655 children from grades 5 to 6 who added 27-42 minutes of physical education a week for two years saw significant upwards trends in mathematical/arithmetic gains rather than humanities or literature (Trudeau, Shephard, 2008). There is no current or valid evidence for any beneficial aspect of cutting down on time spe nt on physical education in schools; moreover, this takes into account any opinion-guided viewpoints. These beneficial outcomes are products of extended physical activeness in students in school; cutting time in these essential programs can lead to detrimental outcomes. Physical education has recently taken backlash as cuts in the amount of time spent on programs in various states took place. In fact, 1 in every 5 Michigan schools do not have a certified physical education teacher (Park, 2018). With the increasing amount of gym teachers having their employment terminated, someone must take care of the excess; standard classroom educators now have the time that was originally for the student’s physical education class to provide the equivalent (recess, indoor games, and more)(Long, 2017). Classroom teachers don’t all have the same training as a physical education teacher has and this is influential because certain benefits may not be present if not taught or presented in the correct way. This is detrimental in the sense that these teachers who had time to plan academic lessons beforehand now need to take on an extra role that wasn’t anticipated priorly. School funding plays a vital role in this situation schools are funded by either property tax and federal or state grants. In the state of New Jersey, the School Funding Reform Act (SFRA) allows for most schools to be â€Å"fully funded.† Essentially, this means that the money that is provided for a certain school is enough for a thorough and efficient system of education for each student as required under the constitution of the state (Sitrin, 2018). Many states follow this â€Å"full-funding† outline but others fund public education by either providing a school district with a set amount of funding per student or by funding a number of educator positions per school (Education Commission of the States, 2012). In most cases, too, high academic achievements within the school district may mean more money per pupil, or a greater amount of educators. For this reason, physical education teachers are either lacking or being laid off because schools don’t have enough m oney to fund the amount of educators they have, gym teachers are the first to go. However, spending time on academic classes may increase the amount of dollars a certain district gets at a time. Grades on standardized tests that students are mandated to take each year contribute to this funding; the higher the grade, the more money a school acquires. As technology and time is evolving and developing, there are still some obstacles to overcome. Many schools are beginning to realize just how many benefits come along with physical education programs and what it can do for their students not only physically but academically as well. However, many schools are still in the dated ‘state-of-mind’ that is unaccepting of change; on the other hand, there are many schools are trying to implement physical education, but just do not have the resources needed. For instance, in 2001 the ‘No Child Left Behind Law’ (NCLBL) was passed it outlined that artistic and physical education classes are unimportant. After the passing of the NCLBL, â€Å"62% of elementary schools, and 20% of middle schools increased instructional time allocated to reading/language arts and mathematics† (Sallis, 2012). School districts mend to the constitution of its state, which is one of the major limitations. With recent support, though, b eing physically fit and active is coming to the surface and getting to adolescents. Former First Lady Michelle Obama’s campaign â€Å"Let’s Move† launched to decrease childhood obesity, create more affordable food options, and implement greater opportunities for physical activity (Let’s Move, 2010). This movement increased support for physical education programs in elementary, middle, and high schools all around the country. In conclusion, cuts in physical education programs would not be beneficial to a student in any way. Mentally, the student would not acquire adequate motor skills, focus and social skills that he/she might have obtained during a physical education class (Bailey, 2016). Physically, decrease in obesity risks would be present, overall happiness, and healthy development if one was active during the school day, even if it was for at least thirty minutes (Wise, 2017). Lastly, academic benefits would not be seen, as students who have taken part in physical education classes every day saw increases in test scores for a variety of subjects. Additionally, there is no valid evidence to support the idea that cuts in physical education programs may be beneficial, as most are mainly opinion-based with no supportive evidence.

Taking a Look at the Enron Scandal - 1270 Words

With the complex system where there were wide ranges of product which include physical assets, it had reached the limits of accounting. The company had taken fully advantage of this to make balance sheet become a perfect picture of company’s performance. They used mark-to-market method of accounting, which state that â€Å"once a long-term contract was signed, the present value of the stream of future inflows under the contract was recognized as revenues and the present value of the expected cost of fulfilling the contract were expensed†. (Pauls, 2003) Therefore, the future profit had been account even the real cash flow had not come to the company yet. Moreover, cause when Enron come to the long term contract, they would assumed that there were long term declines in spot prices (Page 6, journal of economics), there would be the risk of loss if there were the increase in the price of gas in the future and it does not recognize in the financial statement; therefore, to make the income statement made more sense in economics term, Enron had created an accounting structure that help the company to stable their income fluctuation. (ISDA, 2002) In additional, Enron used special purpose entities to fund or manage risk as well as achieve financial reporting objective (page 11, Paul, 2003). 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